The Impact Of 3d Printing On An Ethical Point Of View

The advancements of 3D printing technology within society is advancing at such a speed The research within this assignment will focus on the conflict surrounding 3D printing (bioprinting) artificial organs with stem cells based on an ethical point of view. Throughout numerous articles, two key conflicts are expressed towards the public. The first conflict consists of the question of which stem cells will be used to create the organs. The second conflict elaborates on the possibility of creating organs that will enhance our natural capabilities as humans. These interpretations of the conflict originated from a press release published by Gartner Inc. According to the Gartner Inc.’s website, â€Å"Gartner, Inc. (NYSE: IT) is the world s leading†¦show more content†¦Third, a science article used is from ABC Science. Finally, the science papers used were pages 130-139 from the 34th volume of Biomaterial. The time frame used for this research was from January 1st 2013 to t he present. On January 29 2014, a few years after the publication of the science papers, the Gartner company published a press release that ignited the ethical conflict of 3D printing organs. Gartner Inc. quotes Pete Basiliere’s (research vice president for Gartner Inc.) statement within the press release â€Å"[w]hat happens when complex enhanced organs involving nonhuman cells are made?† This indicates that the first reference to the conflict is the question of what will occur when enhanced organ are made out of non-human cells. On that same day three other mass media outlets (The Telegraph, IBT and Computerworld) published articles that referenced Gartner’s press release. It is important to note that these articles all quote what Basiliere said within the press release. This indicates that they used Gartner Inc.’s press release as a primary source of information for their own articles. The article from The Telegraph states, â€Å"3D printing s ability to manufacture highly customised human organs and anatomical parts will raise inevitable ethical and moral dilemmas.† The Telegraph article only states that the ability to create customized organs will raise this ethical conflict. Nothing about theShow MoreRelatedRichard Seymour : An Experimental Operation For Patients With Very Little Hope Of Survival Essay1827 Words   |  8 Pagesrespiratory purposes. 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Eymp 5 Support Children’s Speech, Language and Communication.

EYMP 5 Support children’s speech, language and communication. 1.1) Explain each of the terms: †¢ Speech – The act of speaking, verbal communication. The act of expressing or describing thoughts, feelings or ideas by articulate sounds or words. †¢ Language – Method of communication either spoken or written, consisting of the use of words in a structured or conventional way. A recognised structured system of gestures, signs and symbols used to communicate. Body of words and the systems for their use common to a people who are of the same community or nation, geographical area or same cultural tradition. †¢ Communication – Transmission of thoughts, feelings or information via body language, signals, speech, writing or behaviour.†¦show more content†¦Children model their own behaviour on others and if adults can effectively communicate and exchange age or developmental appropriate information with children this can encourage them to behave in acceptable ways. Frustration at their own inability to communicate effectively can lead to behavioural problems. †¢ Social – Talking out loud helps children to work through ideas, feelings and frustrations. In doing this children start to empathise and see other peoples point of view, and gradually become able to think about other people’s needs and feelings. This helps children to develop socially acceptable behaviour and build their confidence. Communicating with other children or adults in social situations helps children to understand what is expected of them and to enjoy participating. Children that have difficulties with speech, language and communication may find that their social development is impaired and they become awkward in social situations. 1.3) Describe potential impacts of speech, language and communication difficulties on the overall development of a child, both currently and in the longer term Speech, language and communication difficulties can have a profound and lasting effect on children’s lives and development. These can affect their ability to communicate and interact with others. The impact of these difficulties will vary depending on the severity of the problems, the support they receive, the demands of the child’s environmentShow MoreRelatedLearning and Social Care Essay examples30870 Words   |  124 Pageswithin their own course materials. You may copy and paste any material from this document; however, CACHE does not accept any liability for any incomplete or inaccurate copying and subsequent use of this information. 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The Stupendous Correlation free essay sample

What defines a successful leader? In Machiavelli’s The Prince, the author provides an ideal model to follow: a leader should exemplify intelligence, practice appropriate virtues, and be greatly loved by the people (Machiavelli). These guidelines heavily influence the effectiveness of a leader’s realm. In Shakespeare’s Hamlet, the two political leaders demonstrate viable examples of the struggle to practice Machiavellian guidelines. Claudius and Hamlet attempt to follow all of the guidelines of the Prince, but fall short in other aspects. Claudius fails to exhibit some of the Machiavellian principles, but appropriately exemplifies others. The antagonist does not to practice virtue when he murders his brother for personal gain. Murder in itself is immoral, thus making Claudius’ action a vice. This fact hinders Claudius’ leadership because of the overwhelming sense of guilt that he felt. A leader cannot be effective if they possess excessive guilt within them, which in turn negatively affects a leader’s efficiency. We will write a custom essay sample on The Stupendous Correlation or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page On the other hand, Claudius does meet some of the Machiavellian rules. For instance, European opinion thought it to be incestuous when a man married his brother’s wife. Through his Machiavellian traits of intelligence and manipulation, Claudius somehow convinced the public that his marriage to Gertrude was legitimate. The fact that the public pardoned Claudius from this Elizabethan atrocity proves his ability as a Machiavellian leader. In contrast, his failure to practice appropriate virtue shows that Claudius is not entirely a Machiavellian leader. Hamlet only partially meets the Machiavellian guidelines. The fact that he is greatly loved by the people is most certainly a Machiavellian quality. This can be proved when Claudius debates whether or not to send Hamlet to England to be killed, but realizes the public’s love for Hamlet, â€Å"Yet must not we put the strong law on him: He’s loved of the distracted multitude† (4.3 3-4). Claudius obviously hesita tes to send Hamlet to die due to the fact that the public would get upset. Hamlet unsuccessfully practices Machiavellian policies when he does not practice appropriate virtue. For instance, when he makes crude sexual comments to Ophelia (3.2), he undoubtedly fails to practice virtue. This proves to be an obstruction of Hamlet receiving the fullness of being a Machiavellian prince. The public’s love for Hamlet and his inability to practice virtue show that Hamlet is not a full embodiment of a Machiavellian prince. Had Hamlet surpassed the life of the king and ascended the throne himself, he would have made a much more practical king. King Claudius does not show as many Machiavellian traits as Hamlet does. While there are many minor examples of why Hamlet is the better leader, the fact that Claudius killed his own brother ultimately proves that Hamlet is the better suited king. A good leader is supposed to be noble and chivalrous. For one, the least chivalrous action one can co mmit is to kill their own brother. Secondly, it is Hamlet who seeks to avenge his father’s death, perhaps the noblest deed that one can do. Hamlet is undoubtedly more of a Machiavellian leader in the play, and would have made a better king if he had survived Claudius. Machiavelli’s principles are often referenced in the play Hamlet in regard to Claudius and Hamlet. These characters fail to acknowledge some of Machiavelli’s counsel. Despite their ignorance, they actually endorse other aspects of Machiavelli’s teachings. Even though both characters struggle to uphold the practical guidelines of being a proper ruler, it is ultimately Hamlet that proves to be the better leader. If a ruler exemplifies chivalrous traits and is greatly loved by the people, they attest to being the superior leaders.

US Foreign Policy in the Balkans

Introduction United States occupies a distinguishing position in global affairs. Never in history has a single country conquered the international arena to the extent that the U.S. does today, courtesy of its foreign policies, which continue to draw mixed reactions, ranging from admiration to envy and hatred (Cameron, 2005 p. xvi).  However, admirers and critics of U.S. foreign policies are often in agreement that no matter what the indicator – military might, economic vitality, democratic principles, political persuasion, and cultural model – the country is indeed in a league of its own.Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on US Foreign Policy in the Balkans specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The U.S. is the only superpower in the world and the only country able to project power and influence in every part of the world (Glenny, 2000), a fact reinforced by Cameron (2005), who notes that the U.S. h as been involved in resolving conflicts on every continent since the early 1990s either through military engagement or peaceful negotiations. This demonstrates that contrary to assertions made by critics to the effect that the U.S. does not have sound foreign policies (Kavalski, 2005), it is indeed in the frontline when it comes to expediting its values and interests in foreign countries.  This paper will critically evaluate the U.S. foreign policy in the Balkans, both during the cold war era and also in post-cold war period. According to Cameron (2005), â€Å"†¦foreign policy refers to a consistent course of actions followed by one nation to deal with another nation or region, or international issue† (p. xvii). In the context of this paper.  Therefore, the U.S. foreign policy would refer to the values and interests projected by the U.S. in the Balkans, a region largely made up of a number of countries, including Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Mace donia, Montenegro, and Serbia (US Department of State, 2011). Apart from Kosovo, which was considered as a province in Serbia, the other countries were considered as republics under the Yugoslavia federation during the cold war era, not mentioning the fact that they heavily leaned towards communist principles and ideologies perpetrated by the former USSR immediately after the Second World War (Eskridge-Kosmach, 2009). These political and ideological leanings towards communism greatly affected United States relations with Eastern Europe, and it was not until the collapse and disintegration of the USSR and communist ideologies in 1991 that real progress in the U.S. foreign policy in the Balkans began to take shape (Trachtenberg, 2008). US Foreign Policy in the Balkans during Cold War Era Immediately after the Second World War, the U.S. and her allies became cognizant of the fact that they had lost significant control of Eastern Europe to the Soviet Union. As such, the U.S acknowledged anti-communism to be its guiding standard to foreign policy in the region during the cold war era.Advertising Looking for research paper on international relations? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The U.S. adopted a non-military foreign policy to stabilize Western Europe and prevent communist ideologies from encroaching Western Europe territory, while devising rigid policies that could decrease the Soviet Union’s influence in Eastern Europe and at the same time not be seen as a direct provocation to the Soviet Union (Trachtenberg, 2008). Some scholars have argued that the U.S. attempted to pursue a foreign policy that would make countries under Soviet’s influence in the Balkans to become economically dependent on the West and, if possible, coerce them into joining Western alliances, including NATO (Cameron, 2007 p. 9). This policy was meant to decrease the Soviet’s control, achieve potentially considerabl e geopolitical advantages, bring democracy to the Soviet bloc, recover lost trade and markets in the Balkans, and ensure a more stable and prosperous Europe (Trachtenberg, 2008). In 1948, the U.S. saw an opportunity to project its foreign policy in the Balkans when Josip Tito’s government in Yugoslavia split with the Soviet Union for pursuing domestic and foreign affairs policies that, according to Stalin, fundamentally deviated from the Marxist-Leninist line of thought. Yugoslav literature reveals that the breakup with Moscow was precipitated by Tito’s idea of pursuing a separate course towards socialism that could not be reconciled with the hegemonic model of the hierarchical organization witnessed in the socialist bloc (Perovic, 2007). The breakup notwithstanding, many scholars have underlined the â€Å"importance of Yugoslavia to the United States in its ‘wedge strategy’ directed towards the Soviet Bloc countries† (Eskridge-Kosmach, 2009 p. 383) . Of importance is the fact that the Harry S. Truman and Dwight D. Eisenhower administrations saw emergent opportunities for the U.S. to develop relations with Yugoslavia, a former strong ally of the Soviet Union. According to O’Brien (2006), this foreign policy was meant to alleviate the Soviet military power in addition to discrediting the Soviet tactics in the Balkans. This gives credence to the idea that a major hallmark of the U.S. foreign policy in the Balkans during the cold war was to discredit communism and prevent its spread.  The above policies failed to achieve much, prompting the U.S. to initiate a new foreign policy in the Balkans in the 1960s under the â€Å"New Deal.† According to Eskridge-Kosmach (2009), the new foreign policy focused on initiating â€Å"economic reforms aimed at the improvement of the system of ‘workers self-administration,’ stimulation of the private initiative in agriculture, and de-centralization of the economic man agement† (p. 385). In addition, the U.S. also encouraged communist countries to disobey Soviet imperialism, hoping that the economic reforms would trigger an ‘evolution’ from the communist model to national independence and free democratic societies (Trachtenberg, 2008).Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on US Foreign Policy in the Balkans specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Humanitarian relations and bi-lateral trade agreements with preferential terms were encompassed in the U.S’ â€Å"building bridges† concept that it entered with countries in the Balkans who exhibited a desire for political liberalization and the establishment of a representative government (Eskridge-Kosmach, 2009). It is worth mentioning that the U.S., in its attempts to progress these policies in the Balkans, did not want to break with the Soviet Union or create a scenario that would have led to a military confrontation with the Soviet, thus employed diplomacy and foreign aid to reach out to countries in the Balkans. However, much of the aid to the Balkans remained humanitarian assistance, not development aid (O’Brien, 2006). US Foreign Policy in the Balkans in Post-Cold War Era Opinion remains divided about the U.S. post cold war foreign policy in the Balkans, with some commentators arguing that the U.S. has been keen not to be drawn into geopolitical and ethnic-related conflicts that rocked the region after the disintegration of the Soviet Union (Brown, 2005), while others suggest that the Balkans has indeed become an emblematic feature of post-cold war geography of United States’ international relations (Joseph, 2005). According to Daalder (2002), â€Å"the U.S. debate over engagement in the Balkans has been conducted primarily in terms of the burdens the United States and Europe should carry in attempting to improve conditions in the region† (p. 3). While the EU accepts that it should bear the main burden in the reconstruction of the Balkans, it also expects others, including the U.S., to contribute. It is clear that the U.S. foreign policy of military intervention through NATO-sanctioned air strikes against Serb targets helped to end the wars witnessed in the Balkans in the 1990’s, though many analysts still maintain that the U.S. was late in its contribution, leading to the massacre of thousands of people (Brown, 2009). However, it should be remembered that in the mid-1990s, the U.S. diplomatic efforts played an instrumental part in the establishment of the Dayton Peace Agreements, which led to the halting of hostilities among warring parties in the Balkans by crafting the decentralized political system of Bosnia. However, the Dayton political compromise is largely viewed across various quarters as an unworkable one, and which hinders the successful integration of Bosnia into Euro-Atlantic institutions (Woehrel, 2009). One major post-cold war objective of the U.S. foreign policy in the Balkans is to stabilize the region in a way that is self-sustaining, democratic and does not require the frequent intervention of NATO-led forces and international diplomats (Woehrel, 2009), In equal measure, the United States has considerably assisted in the transition of the Balkan countries that were formerly under the Soviet bloc by encouraging political and economic reform, and by orienting them to join the EU and other Euro-Atlantic institutions (Veremis, 2001; Wisner, 2008).Advertising Looking for research paper on international relations? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Many countries in the Balkan are now holding free and fair elections, have vibrant civil society groups that are free to express a wide variety of views, and the independence of the media is almost guaranteed (Woehrel, 2009). This again demonstrates that the U.S. foreign policy in the Balkans has clearly underlined the need for the countries involved to shed off communist policies and ideologies, and embrace Western democratic principles and values. To support the rule of law and the punishment of initiators of the 1990’s Balkan war, the U.S. continues to condition developmental aid to Serbia on the full cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTFY), not mentioning that the U.S. has initiated active mechanisms to support NATO membership for the countries in the Balkans (Woehrel, 2009). The U.S. continues to demand constitutional reforms in countries such as Bosnia and Serbia, implying that its foreign policy in the Balkans is more orie nted in solidifying the democratic gains so far been achieved. Woehrel (2009) also notes that the Balkans still â€Å"have a higher strategic profile given U.S. use of military bases in Romania and Bulgaria, which could be useful for U.S. operations in the Middle East† (p. 1). The U.S. has also played a role in facilitating economic reform in the Balkans and ensuring that countries achieve fiscal and monetary austerity. However, resistance to economic transparency, weak and corrupt state structures, and the absence of the rule of law in a number of countries continue to hinder progress in the economic front (Woehrel, 2009). It is important to note that the U.S role in the Balkans is largely viewed as peripheral since the EU is the mandated institution to oversee economic and political reforms in the Balkans, and to bring countries to join Euro-Atlantic institutions, thus stabilizing the region and the whole of Europe (Veremis, 2001; Joseph, 2005). The observation can be reinf orced by the fact that President Bush’ foreign policy in the Balkans oscillated along â€Å"controlled and gradual military and economic disengagement from the Western Balkans, allowing EU to fill this gap† (Sakellariou, 2011 para. 3). Through diplomatic means, however, the U.S. played perhaps the most fundamental role towards Kosovo’s independence, by pushing the latter to unilaterally proclaim her independence and by pressuring other EU member states to also recognize Kosovo’s independence (Dunn, 2009). Although the U.S. still maintains ground forces in Kosovo, and although the U.S. still retains its political and diplomatic clout in the region, it has substantially reduced the costs of its commitments in the Balkans, particularly after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States (Sakellariou, 2011). International concerns, including the war on global terrorism and political stabilization of Iraq, Afghanistan and the Middle East, have substantially placed strains on U.S. resources, forcing the country to reduce its attention in the Balkans. In keeping with its current main foreign policy priority, however, the U.S. still actively engages the Balkans to stop terrorists from operating in countries such as Bosnia and Albania (Brown, 2009). The U.S. has also succeeded in bringing many countries in the Balkans to support the war on global terrorism. It is worthwhile to note that the Obama Admistration still pushes for further stabilization of the Balkans, but has continued to keep the region low on the U.S. foreign policy radar, in part due to the war on global terrorism and the stabilization of Iraq and Afghanistan. Conclusion Many policy analysts still feel that the U.S. should strengthen its foreign policy in the Balkans due to the perceived incapacity of the EU to give the needed impetus in the region, and also due to increasing Russia’s influence (Sakellariou, 2011). It is indeed true that the U.S. has for over a decade provided significant aid, advice and troop deployments to countries in the Balkans, but more still needs to be done to solidify the political, economic and democratic gains so far achieved, to uproot possible terrorist networks in the region, and to enhance trade ties with the region (Wisner, 2008; Joseph, 2005). It is imperative to note that unlike the EU, the U.S. still enjoys a substantial political credibility and good will in the Balkans, particularly among the Bosniaks and Albanians (Sakellariou, 2011). As such, it is only proper for the U.S. to remain committed towards solving the serious problems that still affects the region, including weak government structures, ineffective and politicized public administrations, weak and politicized judicial systems, government corruption and organized crime (Woehrel, 2009). A stable Balkans will not only ensure peace and prosperity in Europe, but also in the whole world. Reference List Brown, K. 2009. â€Å"Evaluating U.S . Democracy Promotions in the Balkans: Ironies, Inconsistencies, and Unexamined Influences.† Problems of Post-Communism 56, no. 3, 3-15. Cameron, F. 2005. â€Å"US Foreign Policy after the Cold War,† 2nd Ed. New York, NY: Routledge. Daalder, I.H. 2002. â€Å"The United States, Europe, and the Balkans.† Problems of Post-Communism 49, no. 1, 3-12. Dunn, D.H. 2009. â€Å"Innovation and Precedent in the Kosovo War: The Impact of Operation Allied Force on U.S. Foreign Policy.† International Affairs 85, no. 3, 531-546. Eskridge-Kosmach, A. N. 2009. â€Å"Yugoslavia and US Foreign Policy in 1960-1970s of the 20th Century.† Journal of Slavic Military Studies 22, no. 3, 389-418. Glenny, M. 2000. â€Å"Has anyone seen our Policy?† Washington Quarterly 23, no. 4, 171-175. Joseph, E.P. 2005. â€Å"Back to the Balkans.† Foreign Affairs 84, no. 1, 111-122. Kavalski, E. 2005. â€Å"The Balkans after Iraq†¦Iraq after the Balkans: Who’s ne xt?† Perspectives on European Politics Society 6, no. 1, 103-127. O’Brien, J.C. 2006. â€Å"Brussels: Next Capital of the Balkans?† Washington Quarterly 29, no. 3, 71-87. Perovic, J. 2007. â€Å"The Tito-Stalin Split: A Reassessment in Light of New Evidence.† Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 2, 32-63. Sakeilariou, A. 2011. â€Å"Obama’s Policy in the Western Balkans: Following Bush’s Steps.† Web. Trachtenberg, M. 2008. â€Å"The United States and Eastern Europe in 1945.† Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 4, 94-132. U.S. Department of State. 2011. â€Å"Balkans Region.† Web. Veremis, T. 2001. â€Å"The End of History – American Views on the Balkans.† Journal of Southeast European Black Sea Studies 1, no. 2, 113-122. Wisner, F.G. 2008. â€Å"The United States and the Balkans: Achieving Kosovo’s Independence.† American Foreign Policy Interests 30, no. 4, 189-195. Woehrel, S. 2009. â€Å"Fut ure of the Balkans and U.S. Policy Concerns† Congressional Research Service. Web. This research paper on US Foreign Policy in the Balkans was written and submitted by user Zayden Tyson to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

Magic and witchcraft essays

Magic and witchcraft essays Beliefs in magic and witchcraft are both rational and have a social function in the social context in which they occur: discuss in relation to ethnography. Understanding the social function in the social context of magic and witchcraft, depended upon an understanding the meaning of magic and witchcraft. A well known British anthropologist Edward Evans- Pritchard, have study a group of African people call Azande, a tribe of Southern Sudan. According to his theory witchcraft and magic have different connotation in Zande culture and they have been distinguished. The word mangu is translated as witchcraft and in certain respect witchcraft and sorcery are similar. Both have common function, but their techniques are different. Witchcraft was said to be a psychic power which often inherited, it can be activated if the owner became angry or jealous, and this power are normally unconscious as well as limited to those with the substance in their body. Sorcery is skill which can be learnt by anyone and can be passed on through study. This skill also knows as black magic which can be defines as evil use of medicines. Both are used for pernicious private ends against the lives and property of law-abiding citizens. The word ngwa is translated as magic. Zande magic comprise the common characteristic of magic the world over, rite, spell, idea, tradition, and moral opinion associated with its use, taboo and other conditions of the magician and the rite (Evans-Pritchard, E., Witchcraft among the Azande, in Marwick M (ed) Witchcraft and Sorcery, 1970, Penguin.). In the same way as Zande social grouping, witches have their hierarchy, status and leadership. They gain experience by the tuition of elder witches. Generally specking, the older a man grows the more potent becomes his mangu and the violent and unscrupulous its use. So a child born of a witch parent has only little mangu, and can only do little...

Theories of Sentencing and Punishment Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Theories of Sentencing and Punishment - Essay Example "Philosophical reflection on punishment has helped cause, and is itself partially an effect of, developments in the understanding of punishment that have taken place outside the academic world(STANFORD ENCYCLOPEDIA)i". In ordinary sense, punishment indicates a retributive treatment. Before going to the deeper, it is necessary to add that whatever the form of punishment may be, i. e. preventive, retributive, reformative and so on; the core purpose of punishment is to facilitate the offenders getting rectified and make other people conscious as to the negative impact of criminalities. In this context, before providing the treatment to a particular offender, the societal aspects of the offenders should be given utmost importance. In addition, it may also be reasoned that as without threat and coercion, the social order cannot be achieved the introduction of punishment for the prevention of crimes and maintaining social order is so necessary. The punishment awarded should be rational in proportion to the degree and nature of punishment. The effects of punishment have made people aware as to its consequences. Thus, the philosophical outlook of punishment is greatly laid in assessing the merits of punishments awarded. But the habitual offenders or recidivist should not be treated alike to that of other offenders. Axiomatically speaking, punishment should not be so atrocious rendering inhumane; not violating the right of the offenders; should be proportional. Justifiability of the Theories of Punishment Countries have developed different theories of punishment while dispensing the criminal justice system in their respective legal systems. Most prominent theories are deterrent, retributive, preventive and reformative. Principally, the purpose of deterrent theory is to keep the offenders aloof from committing the crimes. They are made understood as to the negative implications of the crimes. Efforts are also made to help the offenders in making rational decision as regards the consequences of punishment. Reasonably, there is no unanimous opinion as regards the suitability of retributive theory. "There is a mix theory involving the traditional retributivism and utilitarian arguments along with some other theoretical ideas (Sentencing Law and Policy, 2005)ii".Actually, neither of the punitive, retributive, or reformative treatment of punishment can serve the purpose of sustaining social instability. Both the punitive and reformative approach should be coordinated for the better result o f punishment and help building the society in a sophisticated manner. Punishment should be provided all alike. But, "many federal white collar defendants spend their increasingly long sentences in still low-security (Mike, 2005)iii". In America, race, gender and age are most prominent considerations in case of sentencing and punishing the offenders. "Young black males are sentenced more harshly than any other group and the influence of offender's age on sentencing is greater among males than females (STEFFENSMEIER, ULMER & KRAMER, 1998)iv". Statutory Provisions "Evidence of confessions or admissions is admissible in the court subject to certain conditions determining whether they are voluntary and/or reliable (Nobles & Schiff, 2000)v". It is certain that

Personal Statement for Applying University of California

For Applying University of California - Personal Statement Example I consider venturing into any activity that builds up my indispensable qualities as a business economist. The activities and qualities that are illustrated by this document manifest the degree of pursuance of my career. I developed an exceptionally strong interest in Business Economics which I made a decision to major in during my further education. Born in a middle class family where my parents gathered a lot of effort to raise me up, I quickly inferred the need for finance from this experience. As it is said, necessity is the mother of invention, and so I got interested in economics. My father’s insufficient knowledge and skills in financial control were my earliest cues to pursue economics to professional level. He ran a small business for selling fashion clothes, food factory – selling deep-fried flour sticks and grilled potatoes. His investment performed poorly in the stock markets during the financial crisis (downturn). Then his investment failed totally not long after. Key knowledge learnt here was about microeconomics and macroeconomics. I learnt how the limited knowledge on these fields impacted negatively my father’s investments. ... I also worked as an Exhibition promoter at Adecco Company where I learnt how culture affects the buying patterns. I developed strong communications skills during my work as an exhibition promoter. Before I joined the Adecco Company, I had gone for an internship at China Resource Vanguard Co. Ltd where I carried out database building and management while also doing research for the market. Prior to Adecco Company, I participated in several volunteer works while at Anza College; I volunteer for International Student Volunteer (ISV) where I helped and counseled senior students. I learnt, by dealing with the students, the skills of interacting with people both of my age and my seniors. I volunteered for Red Cross where I helped in planting of trees in the green society project and in packing food and other materials for the needs. As a volunteer in running for a Concession Stand in Flea in Flea Market at De Ana College, I learnt the skills of being a leader, organizing and managing teamw ork. At St. Joan of Arc Secondary School, I volunteered to teach the handicap to do easy jobs. I also participated in selling flats for volunteer organizations to raise funds. At St. Joan of Arc Secondary School, I volunteered to teach children in the underdeveloped country to learn Basic English and Chinese. In addition, I counseled senior citizens about finance, housing and daily life. I have participated in several student organizations and activities. First, at De Anza College, I took part in the President of Japanese Cultural Club (JCC) with lots of interest. I learnt about Japanese culture, I was a member of track and field varsity for sports activities; a member of cross cultural partners (CCP)